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By Dr Primus M. Tazanu

This article addresses electoral processes and the subject of legitimacy in Francophone African countries, focusing on elements that challenge the legitimacy of governments in some of these states. The arguments in this piece are supported by reports from multiple sources that draw attention on crucial issues of electoral frauds, the incumbent political leadership’s tendency to dominate the political scene, weak political and electoral institutions, lack of transparency, and the silencing of the media, etc. A key question that pulls the argument together in the article is why Francophone African countries require electoral reforms. Policy recommendations in line with this question are that these countries should improve their economic performance, respect the rule of law, respect human rights and political institutions, be politically accountable and tolerant, as well as the freedom of the media.

Francophone Africa

A shaky relationship exists between legitimacy and elections; one can never assume that an elected government is necessarily legitimate. It is essential to understand the power dynamics under-girding elections, especially in the Francophone countries in this write-up. Contentious issues of governance in Francophone Africa often revolve around electoral processes and legitimacy of governments. Some common themes and challenges related to elections and legitimacy cut across these countries, even as the countries are diverse, with each having its unique political specifics.

Among the many shared aspects cutting across these countries are a common history of French colonial rule, which in turn has had an influence on their political structures and processes. Secondly, most of these countries have encountered difficulties switching from one-party rule to multi-party democracy [1]. Related to the last point has been the issue of elections irregularities partly because the dominant ruling parties’ proclivity to monopolize electoral processes, often with (suspected) French influence [2]. Elections fraud and lack of transparency are recurrent events in some of these countries. Compounding these developments is a worrying tendency of some leaders in Francophone Africa to manipulate the constitution, extending their time in office, thus undermining one of the core democratic principles – the term limit [3].

Electoral Trends in Francophone Africa

In Francophone Africa, there is usually the tendency of the incumbent leaders and the ruling political parties to dominate the political scene using state resources. Opposition parties routinely face difficulties in times of elections partly because they may lack the resources and national media coverage. That aside, analysts have talked of voting irregularities, including political parties buying votes and offering gifts to people [4] This is a scenario where the opposition regularly accuses the incumbent of corruption and vote rigging during and after the elections.

We are also witnessing increased demands for democratic reforms in the Francophone countries; people are demanding that the electoral processes should be fair and transparent. As such, they talk of respecting human rights and independent electoral organizations. This invites analysts to scrutinize the legitimacy of the state [5]. Social media is further playing significant roles during elections periods in these countries. Young people are using social media to share opinions, influencing political agendas and the domains of political discourse. However, another growing trend is that the governments in some of these countries shut down the internet during elections [6]. Lastly, and by no means the least, regional blocs such as Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), have demonstrated their relevance, making their importance felt throughout the elections period and in the post-election era; they have mediated post-elections conflict situations, all with the aim to promote democracy and stability [7].

Issues of Legitimacy: Why Francophone Countries Require Electoral Reforms

How could reforming electoral processes and institutions benefit Francophone African countries? In democratic societies, elections and electoral institutions are vital to political stability and transition. Put differently, electoral processes and institutions carry with them aspects of legitimacy and consent. Legitimacy has much to do with the government being legal while consent is more about approval from the populace. These facets of democracy are inbuilt in vibrant democracies and the democratic process. To improve on elections and for governments to gain acceptance, electoral processes and institutions should be conceptualized as broader political processes with enduring capabilities; they are not just events that legitimize power. In some cases, regular elections usually indicate a vibrant democracy. In fact, fair electoral processes in some African countries ‘have facilitated the emergence of democratic government’, says International Peace Institute [8]. People can judge a country’s democracy by looking at its electoral process and institutions, so to speak.

However, a worrying trend in some Francophone African countries is a tendency of pre- and post-elections disputes and claims that usually interrupt political transitions, sometimes leading to national division along political and ethnic lines. Fuelling these disputes are the deep suspicion, mistrust, and loss of faith in the electoral process and institutions. This boils down to the question of transparency, which Afrobarometer says is vital for preventing conflict [9].

Looking at some of the Francophone governments that supposedly came to power through elections, one realizes that there is a treacherous issue of legitimacy when the military takes over these government with wide societal support. Since 2020, there have been eight military coups in some of these Francophone countries [10]. Some of these military regimes are supported by the people even as they did not come to power through free and fair elections [11]. What is at stake here is confusing if one were to look at legitimacy strictly in terms of elections.

A major take away in the previous paragraph is that elections and elected governments do not necessarily translate to legitimacy. What then is legitimacy and how could it contribute to political stability in the Francophone African countries?  For a long time, elections in some of these countries have been described as nothing but window-dressing, a cosmetic political show aimed at galvanizing the inability of the power structure to institute meaningful democracy [12].

Of concern here is whether elections should be used as a yardstick to determining the legitimacy of the government. In other words, does winning an election make a government legitimate? One must contend here that there is more to a government being legitimate, and this is not necessarily connected to an election. Particularly in weak and fragile states, the government, struggling to legitimize itself through state institutions, might resort to finding different strategies to stay legitimate in the eyes of the citizens [13]. They may use violence as a means to draw popular acceptance. Whether it works in the short and long-run is a totally different question. One can only affirm that oppressed people have a way of rebelling against oppressive systems and they are more than ready to use the least opportunity to vent their anger and frustration at a regime that apparently keeps them in bondage.

Legitimacy is more linked to the proper functioning of the state and its institutions. Some analyst have used the term fragile state to describe countries with multiple developmental challenges. This means they may in turn appear illegitimate or only semi-legitimate in the eyes of the citizens. The African Development Bank defines fragile countries using indicators such as weak institutions, poor governance, economic and geographic isolation, economic challenges and insecurity [14]. To this must be added some of the IMF’s indicators, which are ‘poor quality of policies, institutions and governance [that] substantially impairs economic performance [and] the delivery of basic social services’ [15]. State fragility is important in the analysis of legitimacy in that poor governance and weak institutions make the state appear distant from the citizens. As such, a government that wins an election but governs poorly or does not respect state institutions may not be perceived as legitimate by the citizens.

Policy Recommendation 

In some cases, problems of legitimacy are an expression of poor economic performance. Francophone African countries could thus gain legitimacy through better economic performance. This includes the government’s ability to respond to the needs of the citizens, which in turn reduces political opposition as well as limit political crises [16]. Legitimacy and democracy are related in the sense that there are many other issues at stake relating to the rule of law, human rights, respect of the constitution, creating an enabling environment for political conversation and freedom of association. These indicators remain very much disputed in many Francophone Africa countries [17].

  • Thus, Francophone African countries must do some introspection, examining themselves from the inside to see how they could fix the relationship between the state and the citizens. These states should try to impart in people a feeling of national belonging. Issues of civil liberties and equality before the law must naturally be on the agenda, without which, citizens may feel alienated from the political systems and processes.
  • It is also recommendable that states invest in developing credible institutions such as elections governing bodies and free media. Elections would be seen as more legitimate if the political environment is calm, with different political parties campaigning and conducting their activities freely. The general tendency of the incumbent governments intimidating opposition through excessive use of state resources often tip the elections balance in favour of the ruling party. It is needless to emphasize this practice deepens the disparity, reducing the oppositions’ ability to participate in elections on an equal basis.
  • The case of free (social) media deserves a special attention. In many African states, including most Francophone countries, there is a tendency for the government to shut down social media for political motives. Internet shutdown and throttling during elections period have become all too common. These politically-motivated shutdowns are supported by many arguments amongst which are concerns over national unity, to prevent post-elections violence, to curb misinformation, to make sure the elections has integrity, etc. [18]. A report by French Development Agency, reveals that as of mid-2023, 21 of the 26 Francophone African countries had shut down or tampered with the internet for political reasons since 2017 [19]. This is very concerning considering that the media is often considered as the fourth arm of the government. Interrupting the media platforms is an intentional way of limiting citizens’ participation in politics and political processes. Thus, Francophone African countries could improve on the electoral processes through ensuring media freedom.

Conclusively, addressing the subject of electoral processes and legitimacy in Francophone Africa requires manifold approaches, amongst which is the strengthening of democratic institutions, upholding transparency, and nurturing a culture of political tolerance and accountability. Furthermore, regional blocs, the media and civil society organizations can play instrumental roles in legitimizing electoral processes in these countries.